The Meaning of the May 18th Gwangju Democratic Uprising

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Meaning of the May 18th Gwangju Democratic Uprising

Revival of the Gwangju Democratic Uprising

Though the streets of Gwangju City seemed to be restored to their former tranquility, the sorrow of the people bereft of loved ones lost in the uprising made it clear that the full impact of the uprising was yet to come. In the year following the uprising they formed a united front and inaugurated the 5. 18 Bereaved Family Association to demand the restoration of the victims honor and to remember the fallen authorities. on June 13th, 1982, the people who were injured during the uprising held their first meeting, and finally, on August 1st of that year, 18 members gathered at Moojin Church and inaugurated the Moodeungsan Social Meeting of those Wounded During the 5. 18 incident (later renamed the Meeting of those Wounded by They May 18th Gwangju Democratic Uprising). In this way, many other associations related to the May 18th Uprising came into being. Together they formed a new social movement and initiated the observance a memorial event in May every year after 1980.

In the meantime, the citizens and students also struggled to keep alive the spirit of the May Uprising of Gwangju. on May 30th, three days after the Gwangju Democratic Uprising had been suppressed, Kim Ue-gi, a student of Seogang University, killed himself by jumping off the building of the Seoul Christian Association while distributing leaflets which disclosed the real state of the Gwangju Democratic Uprising. Since then, the effort to inform the public of the truth about the Gwangju incident has continued unceasingly throughout the country.

In addition, the first strong protest against the attitude of the United States Administration which, directly or indirectly helped the New Military Power during the uprising, occurred in December, 1980, when the Gwangju U.S. Cultural Center was set on fire. From that time, an anti-U.S. movement continuously spread, leading to the burning of the Pusan U.S. in March of 1982, and the stay-in strike within the Seoul U.S. Cultural Center in May of 1985.

The despotism of the 5th Republic was, however, eventually faced with a critical situation owing to a subsequent uprising in June 1987, the people's campaign for the amendment of the constitution under the banner of direct election. In the end, the government came to accept the people's demand for democratization through what is called the Declaration of June 29. A special committee for the liquidation of the 5th Republic was formed in 1988 because the party in power was numerically inferior to the opposition party in the 13th National Assembly. This change of affairs also provided a chance for the Gwangju citizens to disclose in detail the truth about the Gwangju Democratic Uprising in May of 1980 to the public, and thus a special hearing was held.

The long campaign for democratization provided an opportunity for the justification of the Gwangju Democratic Uprising and for the restoration of the city's honor. Thus, the New Military Power which had interrupted the democratization process and trampled on the order of constitutionalism came to stand trial for their crimes against the people of Gwangju and Korea.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Meaning of the Gwangju Democratic Uprising

The torch of the Gwangju Democratic Uprising which once burned vigorously, turning the sky crimson, was put out by the army's Chungjung Operation early on the morning of the 27th. However, its spirit has burns on  in the hearts of all the people who survived, now emitting an even brighter light.

It was not a disgrace but an honorable event, full of glory. The eternal spirit of the Gwangju citizens did not spring from either a mere love of their own home town or a simple rebellious spirit, but from a deep desire for democracy that even the oppression of the authorities and their distorted  propaganda could not erase.

 The truths of the Gwangju Democratic Uprising Which the Gwangju citizens experienced in person were as follows:

First of all, almost all the citizens voluntarily fought in the face of the cruel violence of the paratroopers. Considering the situation, it was impossible to participate in the uprising unless one was ready to risk all things including one's life. Nevertheless, the Gwangju citizens resisted injustice as one body in the name of all Korean citizens, so it was not just a heroic uprising by one or two individuals, but a unified people resisting oppression. In the end their efforts brought them a glorious victory. Even when they were denounced by the government as lowly elements and rioters, the Gwangju citizens went their own way, believing that their uprising against the inhumane violence of the military was the only way to defend their right to live and to stand up for justice.

Secondly, during the whole period of the uprising, Gwangju City coped with the crisis through humanitarian cooperation. The Gwangju citizens who were making a living shared their possessions with each other, and being dependent on each other, they encouraged each other in their isolated situation. They shared food with those who were in need of it, donated blood to the wounded, and willingly helped anyone who was in need of assistance. While the leaders of the uprising took pains to remedy the difficult situation, the citizens helped each other get by.

Thirdly, in the course of six days, from the time the army retreated till the time they occupied the city again, the Citizen's Army held command of the city. During that period the Gwangju people gave full attention to their moral consciousness. In spite of the complete absence of an official public system for peace and order, the Gwangju citizens maintained peace and order perfectly. Although many of the citizens now possessed firearms, no incident took place in which their power was abused. Even financial agencies or jeweler's shops, where crimes are apt to happen even in peaceful times, were free from any criminal act. We find no parallel to this case in world history. The Gwangju citizens held on to their mature consciousness of democracy and community. The Gwangju Democratic Uprising in May of 1980 can only be seen as a people's uprising for the realization of democracy. The only places attacked by the citizens were those symbolizing the government's power or the mass media's lies.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ultimately, however, the battle between the Citizen's Army and the army under martial law was decided by physical strength, rather than justice or morality. With no outside aid at all, it is obvious that the Citizen's Army, equipped only with out-of date personal weapons, would be defeated by an army armed with the latest weapons technology.

 Though the Citizen's Army suffered a setback in the end, contrary to all expectation, the army who won the battle lost the larger struggle for freedom. They could not erase the pride deep in the Gwangju citizens' hearts: a pride that continues to burn brightly.

 Though the battle was lost it has not gone down in the history as a failure. Rather it teaches us to ruminate upon the lessons of the past which have become deeply etched into our minds.

First of all, through the Gwangju Democratic Uprising Koreans came to see the role that the United States had played in this country in a new light. After the Korean War most Korean people, except for a few socialist groups, had seen the relationship between Korea and the United States in a positive light. When it emerged that the US had directly or indirectly supported the New Military Power during the Gwangju Affair, such a view rapidly disappeare, resulting in a kind of anti-Americanism.

Next, the Gwangju Democratic Uprising brought Korea closer to democratization. The 5th Republic, which had seized power by denying the Gwangju democratization movement in the spring of 1980, maintained its oppressive and authoritative system in order to justify its usurpation of power. The May 18 uprising succeeded in heightening the citizens' desire for democracy. From 1980 onwards, every May the people's desire to destroy the dictatorship was remembered in Gwangju and in all the large cities in this country. As a result, the despotic system of Chun Doo-Whan was overthrown and Korea began its shift towards democracy, though still at a slow pace.

Finally, the Gwangju Democratic Uprising gave the people an opportunity to assert their identities as subjects with civil and political rights. The Gwangju Democratic Uprising was an unprecedented civil armed uprising which has changed the flow of modern Korean history. In less than twenty years the brutality and the exorbitant corruption of the fifth and sixth Republics have been revealed to the world, and at last they were convicted of their crimes in the name of history, justice and law.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ultimately, however, the battle between the Citizen's Army and the army under martial law was decided by physical strength, rather than justice or morality. With no outside aid at all, it is obvious that the Citizen's Army, equipped only with out-of date personal weapons, would be defeated by an army armed with the latest weapons technology.

 Though the Citizen's Army suffered a setback in the end, contrary to all expectation, the army who won the battle lost the larger struggle for freedom. They could not erase the pride deep in the Gwangju citizens' hearts: a pride that continues to burn brightly.

 Though the battle was lost it has not gone down in the history as a failure. Rather it teaches us to ruminate upon the lessons of the past which have become deeply etched into our minds.

First of all, through the Gwangju Democratic Uprising Koreans came to see the role that the United States had played in this country in a new light. After the Korean War most Korean people, except for a few socialist groups, had seen the relationship between Korea and the United States in a positive light. When it emerged that the US had directly or indirectly supported the New Military Power during the Gwangju Affair, such a view rapidly disappeare, resulting in a kind of anti-Americanism.

Next, the Gwangju Democratic Uprising brought Korea closer to democratization. The 5th Republic, which had seized power by denying the Gwangju democratization movement in the spring of 1980, maintained its oppressive and authoritative system in order to justify its usurpation of power. The May 18 uprising succeeded in heightening the citizens' desire for democracy. From 1980 onwards, every May the people's desire to destroy the dictatorship was remembered in Gwangju and in all the large cities in this country. As a result, the despotic system of Chun Doo-Whan was overthrown and Korea began its shift towards democracy, though still at a slow pace.

Finally, the Gwangju Democratic Uprising gave the people an opportunity to assert their identities as subjects with civil and political rights. The Gwangju Democratic Uprising was an unprecedented civil armed uprising which has changed the flow of modern Korean history. In less than twenty years the brutality and the exorbitant corruption of the fifth and sixth Republics have been revealed to the world, and at last they were convicted of their crimes in the name of history, justice and law.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Character of the May 18th Gwangju Democratic Uprising

  
 

The most tragic and disgraceful incident in modern Korean history took place in Gwangju in May 1980. During the uprising many citizens of Gwangju were killed by soldiers. It started with the December 12, 1979 coup by Chun Doo-hwan's military junta who occupied the Chonnam  Provincial Hall with armed forces sent to Gwangju by the Martial Law Enforcement Headquarters. After the assassination of President Park Chung-hee, a group of politically minded soldiers undertook Operation Chungjung (Operation True Heart) to quell the uprising in Gwangju.

 

 

In this way, the Fifth Republic came into existence. The victims of the martial law force's brutality numbered 4,369 all told: 154 killed, 74 missing, 4,141 wounded (including the dead due to it) and placed under arrest. This data was based on the present condition of compensation related to The May 18 Uprising, as of November 31, 2006. Among the 7,173 requested cases, 5,060 were admitted. The number of people illegally taken into custody during the period of Martial law was more than 3,000, and nobody knows how many people were unjustly arrested while they were demonstrating against martial law.

 

Recent history has proven that the Gwangju Democratic Uprising was a victory, not a defeat, and that the people who lost their lives in Gwangju did not give their lives in vain. Now they are our heroes. Although the Gwangju Democratic Uprising seemed to end in failure, that failure became an inspiration for the democratic consciousness that fueled opposition to the dictatorship of the 1980s. However, it was only after many turns and twists that the Gwangju Democratic Uprising was properly defined as a people's resistance, and not a riot.

 

At the time, government authorities referred to the uprising as the Gwangju affair, a riot, or a rebellion backed by some seditious power scheming to overthrow the government. In June 1987, however, people throughout the country slowly started to recognize the true nature of the Gwangju Uprising of May, 1980. In June 1988, with the advent of the Sixth Republic the Uprising was renamed the Gwangju Democratization Movement in order to restore national harmony.

 

Additionally, in the 13th National Assembly, the change in the balance of political power made it possible to hold a hearing concerning the Gwangju Uprising. This hearing was televised all over the country, and it played an important role in spreading the truth of what had happened in Gwangju. It brought to light how brutally martial law forces had treated the citizens for those ten days in May.

 

In 1993 on May 13th, with the start of a civilian government, President Kim Young-sam made clear his position on the Gwangju Democratic Uprising in a speech: The bloodshed of Gwangju in May, 1980 is the cornerstone of this country's democracy. Its victims dedicated their lives to democracy. He continued by indicating the shift in perception that had taken place: this government today stands in line with the Gwangju Democratization Movement. In this announcement, he redeemed the Gwangju Democratic Uprising.

 

Again, thanks to a drive to set history to rights, after the speech on May 13, the 5?18 Special Law was enacted. It is rated as a great contribution in bringing the military junta, who had cruelly trampled upon Gwangju, to trial under law, justice, and history and in healing the wounds that the nation had suffered in the past.

 

Contrary to this perspective, however, the Supreme Court then ruled that the Gwangju Uprising was a peoples' rebellion and declared the people who took part in the uprising, a mob. So the Gwangju Democratic Uprising will remain a rebellion, and the participants a mob until there is a reversal of the ruling through retrial. The full truth of the Gwangju Democratic Uprising has yet to be disclosed. After the extension of martial law on May 17, 1980, several questions remain: (1) why were the martial law forces sent to Gwangju reinforced; (2) who acted as the leader of the army; and (3) who gave orders for the army to fire? We still do not know. Equally, we are still unsure about what role the United States military and government played in the decision process, and how many innocent citizens were killed.

 

 

Even though most military officers have been strictly judged by law and history, the truth is, even now, as much in the dark as ever. So it is our duty to set the matter straight.

 

In order to correctly establish the historical meaning of the Gwangju Democratic Uprising, we should evaluate its character. Opinions can be roughly summed up as follows:

 

1.The Gwangju Democratic Uprising offered important inspiration to the traditional spirit of democratic uprisings in Korea. The Gwangju people, in the last analysis, rose against a military government which had originally  appeared on the scene through a military coup d'etat on May 16, 1961. That coup denied the spirit of the  April 19th Democratic Revolution of 1960 and established an oppressive system of government.

2.The Gwangju Democratic Uprising shows that people are able to be a dynamic power in national histories. During the 1980s, thanks to the Gwangju Democratic Uprising, people from all quarters of life, laborers, farmers, students, the poor, the religious, artists, intellectuals and dissidents, came to be profoundly conscious of their power in the democratic movement. The spirit of Uprising gave rise to the development of a national democratic movement.

3.The Gwangju Democratic Uprising demonstrated that armed resistance against an unjust government is a human right, and that the justice of such resistance could be officially sanctioned. The Gwangju Democratic Uprising which had been denounced by the authorities as a rebellion of armed rioters has been renamed by the Government, 'the Gwangju Democratic Movement'. The people's right, which not even the Peasant Uprising in 1894, the Donghak Revolution, nor the conflict of arms with Japan had not yet officially established, was properly recognized through the Gwangju Democratic Uprising.

4.The Gwangju Democratic Uprising led to a rejection of the Chun Doo-hwan regime's claims of legitimacy and morality. In the end, the Uprising played a decisive part in overthrowing the regime which had continued the oppressive policies of President Park Chung-hee's Yushin (Renovation) System. Chun's regime tried to make use of every loophole possible, and it grossly abused its authority, but finally, it collapsed under the waves of resistance which broke out anew every May in Gwangju in the years following the Uprising. From this point of view, the Gwangju Democratic Uprising played a decisive role in motivating the national democratic movement. Furthermore, it established a new political precedent for the people by overthrowing Chun's Fifth Republic through the people's general agreement.

The Gwangju Democratic Uprising should not be considered a painful, frustrated chapter of an age, but should be placed in the modern history of this country as the starting point of democratization. It should go down in Korea's national history and national consciousness as an inspiring stand for human freedom and dignity. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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